{"id":1034,"date":"2009-10-26T05:00:56","date_gmt":"2009-10-26T09:00:56","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/whamit.mit.edu\/?p=1034"},"modified":"2009-10-25T15:01:51","modified_gmt":"2009-10-25T19:01:51","slug":"mit-linguistics-colloquium-1030-maria-gouskova-nyu","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/2009\/10\/26\/mit-linguistics-colloquium-1030-maria-gouskova-nyu\/","title":{"rendered":"MIT Linguistics Colloquium 10\/30 - Maria Gouskova (NYU)"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><P>Speaker: Maria Gouskova (NYU)<BR><br clear='none'\/>\nTitle: Exceptionality as a Property of Morphemes: the Case of Yers<BR><br clear='none'\/>\nTime: Friday, October 30, 2009, 3:30pm<BR><br clear='none'\/>\nPlace: <a href=\"http:\/\/whereis.mit.edu\/?selection=32\">32-141<\/a><\/P><\/p>\n<blockquote><p><P><br clear='none'\/>\nMost languages have some phonological rules that apply only to a<br clear='none'\/>\nsubset of eligible morphemes (for example, in English, regressive<br clear='none'\/>\nvoicing assimilation, &#8220;thie[f]&#8221;\/&#8221;thie[vz]&#8221; vs. the default progressive<br clear='none'\/>\nassimilation, &#8220;chie[f]&#8221;\/&#8221;chie[fs]&#8221;). The question examined in this<br clear='none'\/>\ntalk is whether there are rules that apply only to a subset of<br clear='none'\/>\neligible segments. I will explore the hypothesis that exceptionality<br clear='none'\/>\nis a property of whole morphemes. This theory of exceptionality has<br clear='none'\/>\nmany incarnations (Chomsky and Halle 1968 et seq.), but my version is<br clear='none'\/>\nformalized as Lexically Indexed Constraints in Optimality Theory<br clear='none'\/>\n(Prince and Smolensky 1993): in any given language, a universal<br clear='none'\/>\nconstraint can be indexed to individual morphemes in the lexicon and<br clear='none'\/>\nranked in two different positions in the language&#8217;s hierarchy (Pater<br clear='none'\/>\n2000, 2006).<\/p>\n<p>I test this theory on a famous purported case of segment-by-segment<br clear='none'\/>\nexceptions: Slavic yers, vowels that idiosyncratically alternate with<br clear='none'\/>\nzero (e.g., [mox] vs. [mx-a] `moss (nom\/gen sg)&#8217; alongside [mex] vs.<br clear='none'\/>\n[mex-a] `fur (nom\/gen sg)&#8217;). The dominant analysis of these &#8220;ghost<br clear='none'\/>\nvowels&#8221; is that they must be underlyingly marked  as exceptional on a<br clear='none'\/>\nsegment-by-segment basis. Yers are also usually underlyingly marked as<br clear='none'\/>\nrepresentationally defective&#8212;either nonmoraic or lacking features<br clear='none'\/>\n(Kenstowicz and Rubach 1987, Melvold 1990, Yearley 1995, inter alia).<br clear='none'\/>\nIn this talk, I revisit yers from a different perspective. Instead of<br clear='none'\/>\ntreating the individual vowels as special, I argue that entire<br clear='none'\/>\nmorphemes are indexed to special phonologies. I show that there are<br clear='none'\/>\ngeneralizations as to the quality and the position of alternating<br clear='none'\/>\nvowels in Russian. These generalizations are phonologically sensible,<br clear='none'\/>\nbut they are lost in accounts where vowels are labeled as deletable on<br clear='none'\/>\na segment-by-segment basis. Finally, I survey yers in other Slavic<br clear='none'\/>\nlanguages and test the OT hypothesis that a phonological rule can only<br clear='none'\/>\nbe exceptional in one language if it is general in another.<\/P>\n<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>Suggested readings:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>\nPater, Joe (2006) <a href=\"http:\/\/roa.rutgers.edu\/files\/866-0906\/866-PATER-0-1.PDF\">Locus of Exceptionality: Morpheme-specific phonology as constraint indexation.<\/a>\n<\/li>\n<li>Yearley, Jennifer (1995) <a href=\"http:\/\/134.59.31.7\/~scheer\/scan\/Yearley%2095%20-%20Jer%20vowels%20in%20Russian.pdf\">Jer vowels in Russian.<\/a>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Speaker: Maria Gouskova (NYU) Title: Exceptionality as a Property of Morphemes: the Case of Yers Time: Friday, October 30, 2009, 3:30pm Place: 32-141 Most languages have some phonological rules that apply only to a subset of eligible morphemes (for example, in English, regressive voicing assimilation, &#8220;thie[f]&#8221;\/&#8221;thie[vz]&#8221; vs. the default progressive assimilation, &#8220;chie[f]&#8221;\/&#8221;chie[fs]&#8221;). The question examined [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1034","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-talks"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1034","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1034"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1034\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1036,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1034\/revisions\/1036"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1034"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1034"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1034"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}