{"id":11368,"date":"2018-09-17T06:02:39","date_gmt":"2018-09-17T10:02:39","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/whamit.mit.edu\/?p=11368"},"modified":"2018-09-16T23:28:52","modified_gmt":"2018-09-17T03:28:52","slug":"ling-lunch-920-vincent-rouillard-naomi-francis-mit","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/2018\/09\/17\/ling-lunch-920-vincent-rouillard-naomi-francis-mit\/","title":{"rendered":"Ling Lunch 9\/20 - Vincent Rouillard, Naomi Francis (MIT)"},"content":{"rendered":"
This week we have 2 presentations one after the other as practice talks for NELS:\u00a0<\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/div>\n
Speaker:<\/b> Vincent Rouillard\u00a0<\/a>(MIT)<\/div>\n
Title:\u00a0<\/b>Number Inflection, Spanish Bare Interrogatives, and Higher-Order Quantification<\/div>\n
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Date and time:<\/strong>\u00a0Thursday, 9\/20, 12:30-1:50pm<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\n
Location:<\/strong>\u00a032-D461<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
Abstract:<\/b><\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/div>\n
\n
In this joint work with Luis Alonso-Ovalle, we examine the behavior of simplex interrogative expressions in Spanish. Many languages including Spanish inflect\u00a0<\/span><\/span>who<\/i><\/span><\/span>\u00a0for number; Spanish has\u00a0<\/span><\/span>qui\u00e9n\u00a0<\/i><\/span><\/span>(who.<\/span><\/span>sg<\/span><\/span>) and\u00a0<\/span><\/span>qui\u00e9nes\u00a0<\/i><\/span><\/span>(who.<\/span><\/span>pl<\/span><\/span>). Assuming Dayals\u0092s (1996)\u00a0<\/span><\/span>ans<\/span><\/span>\u00a0operator, Maldonado (2017) argues that\u00a0<\/span><\/span>qui\u00e9n\u00a0<\/i><\/span><\/span>and\u00a0<\/span><\/span>qui\u00e9nes<\/i><\/span><\/span>\u00a0<\/i><\/span><\/span>challenge Sauerland et al.\u0092s\u00a0 (2005) theory of number, where the plural is semantically vacuous (weak plural) while the singular presupposes atomicity (strong singular). Maldonado takes\u00a0<\/span><\/span>qui\u00e9nes<\/i><\/span><\/span>\u00a0to be a plural ranging over pluralities only while\u00a0<\/span><\/span>qui\u00e9n<\/i><\/span><\/span>\u00a0is a singular ranging over both atoms and pluralities. In other words, she assumes a vacuous singular (weak singular) and a plural presupposing plurality (strong plural). We show that this fails to capture the behavior of\u00a0<\/span><\/span>qui\u00e9n\u00a0<\/i><\/span><\/span>and\u00a0<\/span><\/span>qui\u00e9nes<\/i><\/span><\/span>\u00a0with collective predicates and argue, extending Elliott et al. (2017), that both wh-expressions range over generalized quantifiers (GQs). We conclude, contra Elliott et al., that having\u00a0<\/span><\/span>qui\u00e9n<\/i><\/span><\/span>\u00a0range over GQs while being a strong singular is insufficient to account for its behavior and that the data are best described if\u00a0<\/span><\/span>qui\u00e9n<\/i><\/span><\/span>\u00a0is a weak singular and\u00a0<\/span><\/span>qui\u00e9nes<\/i><\/span><\/span>\u00a0a strong plural, extending Maldonado.<\/span><\/span><\/div>\n
———————————————————————-<\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/div>\n
Speaker:<\/b> Naomi Francis<\/a> (MIT)<\/div>\n
Title:<\/strong> Imperatives under even\u00a0<\/em><\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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Date and time:<\/strong>\u00a0Thursday, 9\/20, 12:30-1:50pm<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\n
Location:<\/strong>\u00a032-D461<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
Abstract:<\/b><\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/div>\n
\n

Imperative sentences can give rise to strong (e.g. command; ?) or weak (e.g. acquiescence, indifference; ?) readings. The acceptability of even <\/em>in imperatives tracks this distinction in a surprising way: even <\/em>can appear with broad focus in imperatives only if they receive a weak reading (1-2).<\/p>\n

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  1. [Prof. X is invigilating an exam and orders the students to stop writing.]<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

    Put down your pens. [Close your exam papers]F<\/sub> #even<\/strong>!\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0?imp<\/sub><\/p>\n

      \n
    1. [Prof. Y is telling students that they no longer have to complete the exam they had been writing and are free to do whatever they like.]<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

      Put down your pens. [Close your exam papers]F<\/sub> even<\/strong>! (None of this matters.)\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0?imp<\/sub><\/p>\n

      There is no such contrast between sentences with even <\/em>containing overt possibility and necessity modals.<\/p>\n

        \n
      1. You have to\/must put down your pens. You even<\/strong> have to\/must [close your exam papers]F<\/sub>. ?mod<\/sub><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n
          \n
        1. You\u0092re allowed to put down your pens. You\u0092re even<\/strong> allowed to [close your exam papers]F<\/sub>. ?mod<\/sub><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

          I show that this pattern can be accounted for if we assume that i) even <\/em>has an additive component (Karttunen & Peters 1979) and ii) imperatives underlyingly contain an existential modal operator (?imp<\/sub>), with strong readings derived by exhaustifying the prejacent of the imperative operator(Schwager 2005, 2006\/Kaufmann 2012, Oikonomou 2016). When seen in this light, the puzzling interaction between\u00a0even and<\/em>\u00a0strong imperatives will be reduced to an incompatibility between the additive component of even <\/em>and the exclusive component of exh\/only<\/em>.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

          This week we have 2 presentations one after the other as practice talks for NELS:\u00a0 \u00a0 Speaker: Vincent Rouillard\u00a0(MIT) Title:\u00a0Number Inflection, Spanish Bare Interrogatives, and Higher-Order Quantification Date and time:\u00a0Thursday, 9\/20, 12:30-1:50pm Location:\u00a032-D461 Abstract: \u00a0 In this joint work with Luis Alonso-Ovalle, we examine the behavior of simplex interrogative expressions in Spanish. Many languages including […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":22,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-11368","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-talks"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11368","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/22"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=11368"}],"version-history":[{"count":8,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11368\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":11407,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11368\/revisions\/11407"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=11368"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=11368"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=11368"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}