{"id":11969,"date":"2019-03-11T06:10:29","date_gmt":"2019-03-11T10:10:29","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/whamit.mit.edu\/?p=11969"},"modified":"2019-03-10T17:30:36","modified_gmt":"2019-03-10T21:30:36","slug":"morphun-3-11-suzana-fong-on-brazilian-portuguese-participles","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/2019\/03\/11\/morphun-3-11-suzana-fong-on-brazilian-portuguese-participles\/","title":{"rendered":"MorPhun 3\/11 - Suzana Fong on Brazilian Portuguese participles"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Speakers: <\/strong>Suzana Fong<\/a> (MIT)
Title:<\/strong> Regular and athematic participles in Brazilian Portuguese
Time:<\/strong> Monday, March 11th, 5-6:30 pm
Location:<\/strong> 32-D831<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Abstract: <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Brazilian Portuguese, the regular participial (PTC) form of the verb can be parsed as follows:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

(1) com-i-d-as
eat-TH-PTC-AGR(fem.pl)
‘eaten’ [where ‘TH’ is a theme vowel]<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Besides a regular form (2a), some verbs also allow for an additional short form of the PTC (2b):<\/p>\n\n\n\n

(2) a. Regular participle
limp-a-d-as
clean-TH-PTC-AGR(fem.pl)
‘cleaned’
b. Short\/Athematic participle
limp-as
clean-AGR(fem.pl)
‘cleaned’<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Short PTC’s like (2b) lack both the participial morpheme (-d<\/em> in (1) and (2a)) and a theme vowel (-a<\/em> in (2a)), hence why they are referred to as athematic PTC’s<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In this presentation, I focus on the distribution of the PTC when both a regular and an athematic form is in principle available. In particular, we will look at the PTC form(s) that occur(s) in three constructions: verbal passives (3a), adjectival passives (3b), and absolute participles (3c).
(3) a. Verbal passive: regular or athematic PTC allowed
As gavetas foram limp-a-d-as \/ limp-as pelo Jo\u00e3o.
the drawers were cleaned(REG) \/ cleaned(ATHEM) by.the Jo\u00e3o
‘The drawers were cleaned by Jo\u00e3o.’<\/p>\n\n\n\n

b. Adjectival passive: only athematic PTC allowedAs gavetas est\u00e3o\/permanecem *limp-a-d-as \/ limp-as.
the drawers are\/remain *cleaned(REG) \/ cleaned(ATHEM)
‘The drawers are\/remain clean.’
c.Absolute participles: only regular PTC allowed[ Limp-a-d-as \/ *Limp-as as gavetas ], o Jo\u00e3o p\u00f4de ir descansar.
[ cleaned(REG) \/ *cleaned(ATHEM) the drawers ] the Jo\u00e3o could go rest
‘The drawers having been cleaned, Jo\u00e3o could go rest.’
I propose a tentative analysis where the athematic PTC (2b) arises as a consequence of a fusion rule that targets v<\/em> and the root. Whether or not that rule can be applied will depend on the size of a given PTC construction, which in turn determines how much structure is Spelled-Out. Specifically:<\/p>\n\n\n\n