{"id":14305,"date":"2021-10-11T12:58:54","date_gmt":"2021-10-11T16:58:54","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/whamit.mit.edu\/?p=14305"},"modified":"2021-10-11T15:27:55","modified_gmt":"2021-10-11T19:27:55","slug":"lfrg-10-13-tanya-bondarenko-mit-when-clauses-are-weak-npis-polarity-subjunctives-in-russian","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/2021\/10\/11\/lfrg-10-13-tanya-bondarenko-mit-when-clauses-are-weak-npis-polarity-subjunctives-in-russian\/","title":{"rendered":"LFRG 10\/13 &#8212; Tanya Bondarenko (MIT)"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><strong>Title:<\/strong>\u00a0When clauses are Weak NPIs: polarity subjunctives in Russian<br clear='none'\/>\n<strong>Time:<\/strong> Wednesday, 10\/13, 1pm<br clear='none'\/>\n<strong>Location:<\/strong> 32-D461 (with MIT COVID Pass or Tim Ticket, plus contact tracing information)<\/p>\n<p>\n<strong>Abstract:\u00a0<\/strong>In this talk I investigate a class of verbs in Russian which take\u00a0<em>polarity subjunctives<\/em>\u00a0(Rivero 1971, Stowell 1993, Brugger &amp; D\u0092Angelo 1995, Giannakidou 1995, Giannakidou &amp; \u0090Quer 1997, \u0090Quer 1998, Siegel 2009, \u0090Quer 2009, Giannakidou 2011, a.o.)\u0097embedded subjunctive clauses whose acceptability depends on the\u00a0properties of the environment. For example, in (1) we see that Russian\u00a0<em>pomnit&#8217;\u00a0<\/em>&#8216;remember&#8217; cannot take subjunctive clauses (morphologically expressed by the particle\u00a0<em>by<\/em>\u00a0that attaches to the complementizer) in an upward-entailing environment. However, when the embedding verb occurs under negation, in the scope of\u00a0<em>tol&#8217;ko<\/em>\u00a0&#8217;only&#8217; or in a question, both indicative and subjunctive complements are possible, (2)-(4).<\/p>\n<p>(1) Mitja\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 pomnit,\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 ?to\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\/*?to-by\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Anja\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0kurila.<br clear='none'\/>\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Mitya\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0remembers\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0COMP\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\/COMP-SUBJ\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0Anya\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0smoked<\/p>\n<p>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 &#8216;Mitya remembers that Anya smoked.&#8217;<\/p>\n<p>(2)\u00a0Mitja\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0ne\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0pomnit,\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0?to\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\/?to-by\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Anja\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0kurila.<br clear='none'\/>\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0Mitya\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0NEG \u00a0\u00a0remembers\u00a0 COMP\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\/COMP-SUBJ\u00a0\u00a0Anya\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0smoked<br clear='none'\/>\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 &#8216;Mitya doesn&#8217;t remember that Anya smoked.&#8217;<\/p>\n<p>(3)\u00a0Tol&#8217;ko\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0Mitja\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0pomnit,\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0?to\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\/?to-by\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Anja\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0kurila.<br clear='none'\/>\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0only\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Mitya\u00a0\u00a0remembers\u00a0 COMP\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\/COMP-SUBJ\u00a0\u00a0Anya\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0smoked<br clear='none'\/>\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 &#8216;Only Mitya remembers that Anya smoked.&#8217;<\/p>\n<p>(4) Mitja\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 pomnit,\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 ?to\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\/?to-by\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Anja\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0kurila?<br clear='none'\/>\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Mitya\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0remembers\u00a0\u00a0 COMP\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\/COMP-SUBJ\u00a0\u00a0Anya\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0smoked<br clear='none'\/>\n\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 &#8216;Does Mitya remember that Anya smoked?&#8217;<\/p>\n<p>Furthermore, when both kinds of complements are available, speakers often perceive a contrast in factivity between them:\u00a0e.g.,\u00a0(2) with the indicative complement\u00a0tends to imply that Anya did in fact smoke, whereas (2) with the subjunctive clause never has such an inference. These data give rise to two questions:<\/p>\n<p>1) How are polarity subjunctives licensed? What verbs can they occur with and why?<br clear='none'\/>\n2)\u00a0Why do we see a factivity alternation when both kinds of complements are possible?<\/p>\n<p>Here is how I will try to address these questions:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>I propose that clauses can be existential quantifiers, and take scope\u00a0(including exceptional scope). Subjunctive clauses are weak NPIs which have to be licensed in Strawson Entailment-Reversing environments. As other weak NPIs in Russian, they are not acceptable in non-monotone environments.<\/li>\n<li>In\u00a0my\u00a0previous work I argued for two distinct meanings for\u00a0<em>?to<\/em>-clauses: they can either denote predicates of individuals with propositional content (Kratzer 2006, Moutlon 2015, Elliott 2017, a.o.), or predicates of exemplifying situations.\u00a0I show that polarity subjunctives in Russian occur only with verbs that can take CPs that denote predicates of exemplifying situations. I argue that this restriction arises because the semantics of CPs that\u00a0denote predicates of contentful individuals makes the environment non-monotone and thus prevents subjunctive from being licensed.<\/li>\n<li>As for the factivity alternation,\u00a0I argue\u00a0that while sentences with subjunctive complements never have factive inferences, sentences with indicative clauses\u00a0can also receive non-factive readings under certain circumstances.\u00a0On my account, factive inferences are not presuppositions, but are entailments that arise when indicative clauses\u00a0that\u00a0are predicates of exemplifying situations take wide scope. The fact that subjunctives cannot take wide scope prevents them from getting factive inferences.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Title:\u00a0When clauses are Weak NPIs: polarity subjunctives in Russian Time: Wednesday, 10\/13, 1pm Location: 32-D461 (with MIT COVID Pass or Tim Ticket, plus contact tracing information) Abstract:\u00a0In this talk I investigate a class of verbs in Russian which take\u00a0polarity subjunctives\u00a0(Rivero 1971, Stowell 1993, Brugger &amp; D\u0092Angelo 1995, Giannakidou 1995, Giannakidou &amp; \u0090Quer 1997, \u0090Quer 1998, [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":26,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-14305","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-announcements"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14305","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/26"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=14305"}],"version-history":[{"count":7,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14305\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":14321,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14305\/revisions\/14321"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=14305"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=14305"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=14305"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}