{"id":15197,"date":"2022-11-28T06:24:48","date_gmt":"2022-11-28T11:24:48","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/whamit.mit.edu\/?p=15197"},"modified":"2022-11-27T10:41:15","modified_gmt":"2022-11-27T15:41:15","slug":"colloquium-12-2-sandhya-sundaresan-stony-brook-university","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/2022\/11\/28\/colloquium-12-2-sandhya-sundaresan-stony-brook-university\/","title":{"rendered":"Colloquium (12\/2) - Sandhya Sundaresan (Stony Brook University)"},"content":{"rendered":"<div><strong>Speaker:\u00a0<\/strong>Sandhya Sundaresan (Stony Brook University)<br clear='none'\/>\n<strong>Title:\u00a0<\/strong>Reconciling replicative &amp; non-replicative processes in syntax<strong><br clear='none'\/>\n<\/strong><strong>Time:\u00a0<\/strong>Friday December 2, 3:30pm, 32-141<\/p>\n<div><b><u>Abstract:<\/u><\/b><\/div>\n<div>\n<div class=\"page\" title=\"Page 1\">\n<div class=\"layoutArea\">\n<div class=\"column\">\n<p>Many grammatical phenomena are\u00a0replicative\u00a0in the following sense: the featural information pertaining to some element\u00a0A\u00a0in a syntactic domain\u00a0D\u00a0is repeated on some other element\u00a0B\u00a0which stands in a c-command relation with\u00a0A\u00a0in\u00a0D. For instance, in cases of clausal\u00a0?-agreement, the\u00a0?-features of a clausal argument (subject and\/or object) are replicated on the clausemate verb. The syntactic operation of Agree in Minimalism (Chomsky, 2001) is specifically designed to capture grammatical replicativeness. This follows from the idea, hardwired into Agree, that syntactic relationships are fundamentally\u00a0asymmetric, involving\u00a0dependencies\u00a0between an independent element and a dependent counterpart. The idea is that the defectiveness of a\u00a0probe\u00a0for some (potentially unary) set of features\u00a0?\u00a0triggers valuation\/checking of\u00a0?, under c-command, by a local\u00a0goal\u00a0which is specified for\u00a0?. The\u00a0only possible output\u00a0of such an Agree operation is a representation involving replication of\u00a0?\u00a0across the probe &amp; goal. Under a strongly Minimalist worldview, it is further assumed that\u00a0all\u00a0syntactic relationships are derived by Agree, understood in the sense above. This yields the following state-of-affairs: 1. All syntactic relationships are derived via Agree, and; 2. The only possible output of Agree is feature-replication across the Agreeing elements. Ergo. All syntactic relationships must be featurally replicative.<\/p>\n<p>In this talk, I will argue that such a scenario strongly undergenerates. Partially and fully non-replicative processes in grammar do exist \u0096 a fairly uncontroversial point. Perhaps more controversially, I argue that a (proper) subset of non-replicative phenomena are (narrowly-)syntactic in nature (piggybacking on prior work in Bobaljik, 2008; Preminger, 2014; Levin, 2015; Yuan, To Appear, showing that case- marking (i) feeds\u00a0?-agreement; (ii) is syntactic, and (iii) involves case-competition, not case-licensing). Such cases are fatal to the strongly Minimalist world-view described above since they clearly cannot be derived under Agree, as it stands.<\/p>\n<p>To accommodate these problematic cases, I develop a radically revised model of Agree (renamed\u00a0RELATE\u00a0to avoid ambiguity) which abandons the idea that syntactic relationships are (asymmetric) dependencies.\u00a0RELATE\u00a0is grounded on the notion that syntactic dependencies are restricted by a generalized OCP constraint that two syntactically local objects cannot be featurally indistinguishable at the interfaces (along the lines of Richards, 2010, with significant deviations). The corollary to this is that a syntactic link between two nodes\u00a0A\u00a0&amp;\u00a0B\u00a0for some feature\u00a0?\u00a0must output a representation where\u00a0A\u00a0&amp;\u00a0B\u00a0remain distinguishable at LF\/PF wrt. some relevant feature\u00a0?, where\u00a0?\u00a0?=\u00a0?. I show that the new powerful algorithm also accurately predicts some long-observed replicative vs. non-replicative differences at LF and PF between local and long-distance anaphora crosslinguistically (Faltz, 1977; Jackendoff, 1992; Lidz, 2001; Reuland, 2011) as well as distinctness effects in predicate-nominal and small clause constructions (Longobardi, 1994; den Dikken, 2007). I believe the model may also be fruitfully extended to capture certain cases of switch-reference (e.g. in Washo, Arregi and Hanink, 2021) and cases of so-called \u0093subset control\u0094 (Ackema and Neeleman, 2013) including of partial obligatory control.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Speaker:\u00a0Sandhya Sundaresan (Stony Brook University) Title:\u00a0Reconciling replicative &amp; non-replicative processes in syntax Time:\u00a0Friday December 2, 3:30pm, 32-141 Abstract: Many grammatical phenomena are\u00a0replicative\u00a0in the following sense: the featural information pertaining to some element\u00a0A\u00a0in a syntactic domain\u00a0D\u00a0is repeated on some other element\u00a0B\u00a0which stands in a c-command relation with\u00a0A\u00a0in\u00a0D. For instance, in cases of clausal\u00a0?-agreement, the\u00a0?-features of a [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":31,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1,6],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-15197","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-announcements","category-talks"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/15197","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/31"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=15197"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/15197\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":15205,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/15197\/revisions\/15205"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=15197"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=15197"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=15197"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}