{"id":16399,"date":"2024-09-09T06:00:50","date_gmt":"2024-09-09T10:00:50","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/whamit.mit.edu\/?p=16399"},"modified":"2024-09-08T19:35:01","modified_gmt":"2024-09-08T23:35:01","slug":"syntax-square-9-10-christopher-legerme-mit","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/2024\/09\/09\/syntax-square-9-10-christopher-legerme-mit\/","title":{"rendered":"Syntax Square 9\/10 - Christopher Legerme (MIT)"},"content":{"rendered":"

Speaker: <\/strong> Christopher Legerme (MIT)

\nTitle: <\/strong>Complementizers and Verb Fronting with Doubling in Haitian Creole

\nTime: <\/strong>Tuesday, September 10th, 1pm - 2pm

\nLocation: <\/strong>32-D461<\/p>\n

Abstract: <\/strong>For this Syntax Square, we will investigate the syntax of Haitian Creole and the interaction of the\u00a0ki<\/b>\/ke<\/b>\u00a0complementizer alternation (1) with Verb Fronting with Doubling constructions (VFD, Glaude and Zribi-Hertz, 2012) (2). HC shows the following subject-object asymmetry where the form of the complementizer varies according to whether the subject or object undergoes wh-movement (Koopman, 1982; Law, 1995).<\/p>\n

\n
1.a. Kiy\u00e8s ki te w\u00e8 Mari?<\/div>\n
\n
\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0who COMP PST see Mari<\/div>\n
\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0\u0093Who saw Mari?\u0094<\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\u00a0b. *Kiy\u00e8s ki Mari te w\u00e8?<\/div>\n
\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0who COMP Mari PST see<\/div>\n
\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0\u0093Who did Mari see?\u0094<\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/div>\n
\u00a0c. *Kiy\u00e8s ( ke ) te w\u00e8 Mari?<\/div>\n
\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 who COMP PST see Mari<\/div>\n
\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0\u0093Who saw Mari?\u0094<\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/div>\n
\u00a0d. Kiy\u00e8s ( ke ) Mari te w\u00e8?<\/div>\n
\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0who COMP Mari PST see<\/div>\n
\u00a0 \u00a0 \u0093Who did Mari see?\u0094<\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/div>\n
Takahashi and Gra?anin-Yuksek (2008) (henceforth TGY) argue that the realization of\u00a0ki\u00a0<\/b>depends on whether C can agree with a single nominal (DP) goal for both its unvalued features. Let us call this the SPLIT-AGREE analysis. TGY\u0092s approach has been popularly adopted in much recent work (Baptista and Obata, 2015; Obata et al., 2015; Sugimoto and Pires, 2022). Therefore, in VFD constructions the prediction is that\u00a0ke<\/b>\u00a0should surface because C must agree with two different syntactic objects, namely, with the verb for\u00a0wh<\/i>-features and the subject for\u00a0phi<\/i>-features. Indeed, VFD constructions generally obligatorily lead to the object-extraction form of the complementizer\u00a0ke<\/b>\u00a0(which is optionally null) (2). \u00a0<\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/div>\n
\n
2.a (Se) kontan ?ki \/ ?ke \/ ?\u00d8 Bouki kontan<\/div>\n
\n
\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0FOC happy COMP Bouki happy<\/div>\n
\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0\u0093It is that Bouki is HAPPY (e.g., not SAD).\u0094<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/div>\n
\u00a0 b. (Se) kouri ?ki \/ ?ke \/ ?\u00d8 Bouki kouri<\/div>\n
\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 FOC run COMP Bouki run<\/div>\n
\u00a0 \u00a0 \u0093It is that Bouki RUNS (e.g., not WALKS).\u0094<\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/div>\n
However, I will show that, for certain unaccusative predicate constructions that are compatible with an otherwise precluded EPP violation in the language (i.e., verbs where the subject may be null or absent), the appearance of the complementizer\u00a0ki\u00a0<\/b>can be triggered with the extraction of non-nominal constituents, contrary to the expected pattern of complementizer distribution in the language. For example, this happens in cases where verbs like\u00a0rete\u00a0<\/b>\u0093to remain\u0094 or\u00a0manke\u00a0<\/b>\u0093to lack\u0094 occur in the VFD construction (3) (the example below is simplified here for space).<\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/div>\n
\n
3.a Se rete\/manke ki<\/b> rete\/manke Malis san goud nan kont la<\/div>\n
\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 FOC remain COMP remain Malis 100 gourde in account the<\/p>\n
\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0\u0093It is that Malis has 100 gourdes REMAINING\/LACKING in his account.\u0094 (literally,\u00a0<\/i>it is that there is remaining Malis 100 gourdes)<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/div>\n
(3) is incompatible with the SPLIT-AGREE analysis of TGY because of our expectations from (2). Clearly, argument structure is important for the form of the complementizer chosen by the grammar and it is important that our theory of HC be flexible enough to derive the data in (3). I argue in favor of an empirically superior alternative analysis of the complementizer alternation facts based on the antilocality approach that bans movement in the narrow syntax when it results in the dependency of two positions that are too close to each other (Grohmann, 2003; Erlewine, 2020, 2018). Challenges for this alternative proposal are discussed.\u00a0<\/div>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Speaker: Christopher Legerme (MIT) Title: Complementizers and Verb Fronting with Doubling in Haitian Creole Time: Tuesday, September 10th, 1pm - 2pm Location: 32-D461 Abstract: For this Syntax Square, we will investigate the syntax of Haitian Creole and the interaction of the\u00a0ki\/ke\u00a0complementizer alternation (1) with Verb Fronting with Doubling constructions (VFD, Glaude and Zribi-Hertz, 2012) (2). […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":26,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-16399","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-announcements"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/16399","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/26"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=16399"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/16399\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":16420,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/16399\/revisions\/16420"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=16399"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=16399"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=16399"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}