{"id":16652,"date":"2024-11-18T06:03:43","date_gmt":"2024-11-18T11:03:43","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/whamit.mit.edu\/?p=16652"},"modified":"2024-12-28T17:00:01","modified_gmt":"2024-12-28T22:00:01","slug":"linglunch-11-21-magdalena-lohninger-mit-university-of-vienna","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/2024\/11\/18\/linglunch-11-21-magdalena-lohninger-mit-university-of-vienna\/","title":{"rendered":"LingLunch 11\/21 \u0097 Magdalena Lohninger (MIT & University of Vienna)"},"content":{"rendered":"

Speaker: <\/strong> Magdalena Lohninger<\/a> (MIT & University of Vienna)

\nTitle: <\/strong> Is composite [?\/A] probing extended A-movement?

\nTime: <\/strong> Thursday, 21 November, 12:30pm - 2pm

\nLocation: <\/strong>32-D461

\n
\n<\/p>\n

Abstract: <\/strong> In the last ten years of syntactic research, composite [A\u0092\/A] probes have been employed to account for a variety of unrelated phenomena: i) topicalization, focalization, wh-extraction, relativization with A-properties (van Urk 2015, Ostrove 2018, Scott 2021, Chen 2023), ii) passivization\/raising with A\u0092-properties (Wurmbrand 2019, Colley & Privoznov 2020, Lohninger et al. 2022, Chen 2023), iii) A\u0092-extraction restrictions to the closest DP (Erlewine 2018, Branan & Erlewine 2020, Coon et al 2021, Branan 2022), iv) ?-agreement sensitive to information-structure (Mursell 2021, B\u00e1r\u00e1ny 2023). In this talk, I focus on the phenomena i)-ii) and present a comparative investigation of Dinka extraction (van Urk 2015), Mandarin Chinese BEI passives and low foci\/topics (Chen 2023), Khanty passives (Colley & Privoznov 2020), and Balinese and Malagasy promotion to pivot (Erlewine, Levin & van Urk 2019, Lohninger & Katochoritis to appear). I explore whether these constructions exhibit random mixtures of A\u0092- and A-properties or systematic distributions thereof and show that they follow a highly predictable pattern: whilst composite A\u0092\/A constructions resemble A-movement in most respects (creation of new antecedents for anaphor\/variable binding, lack of reconstruction for principle C, feeding case, agreement and subsequent A-movement), they differ from classical A-chains in three aspects: i) the ability to skip intervening DPs, ii) obligatory information-structural or clause-typing effects and iii) the landing-site at a phase edge.<\/p>\n

Based on this observation, I suggest that even though composite [A\u0092\/A] probes search for a goal conjointly, the movement chain they invoke is A-movement. I assume that standardly, [A\u0092] probes (like [top], [foc], [rel] or [wh]) occur on phasal heads (C and v), whilst [A] probes ([D] or [?]) appear lower (e.g. T or V). In some (rare?) cases, [A] features can end up on phasal heads together with [A\u0092] (due to different reasons, e.g. [?] under-inheritance, syntactic language change, formation of non-canonical passive heads, etc.), creating a composite A\u0092\/A construction. Following van Urk & Richards 2015, I assume that if [A] and [A\u0092] occur on the same head, they search together for a fully fitting goal (for economy reasons), whereby the search can skip intervening DPs and prefers a goal that is information-structurally marked (a top, wh, foc or rel element). After [A\u0092\/A] found a goal conjointly, I propose that it is then the [A] probe alone which invokes movement, based on the idea that A-operations are timed before A’-operations (Abels 2007). If [A] and [A\u0092] compete as movement triggers on the same head, the [A] probe gets precedence, hence [A\u0092\/A]-induced movement is an A-chain. Thereby, an [A\u0092\/A] phase head can be understood as a way of extending the time window for A-movement to the phase-edge (as opposed to the usual case where A-operations are completed before the phase head is reached).<\/p>\n

Based on this analysis, the distribution of A\u0092- and A-properties in composite constructions becomes predictable, which counteracts the seemingly anything-goes impression [A\u0092\/A] probes might sometimes create.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Speaker: Magdalena Lohninger (MIT & University of Vienna) Title: Is composite [?\/A] probing extended A-movement? Time: Thursday, 21 November, 12:30pm - 2pm Location: 32-D461 Abstract: In the last ten years of syntactic research, composite [A\u0092\/A] probes have been employed to account for a variety of unrelated phenomena: i) topicalization, focalization, wh-extraction, relativization with A-properties (van […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":10,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-16652","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-talks"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/16652","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/10"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=16652"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/16652\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":16722,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/16652\/revisions\/16722"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=16652"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=16652"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=16652"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}