{"id":2603,"date":"2011-04-18T05:00:36","date_gmt":"2011-04-18T09:00:36","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/whamit.mit.edu\/?p=2603"},"modified":"2011-04-17T19:44:48","modified_gmt":"2011-04-17T23:44:48","slug":"colloquium-0422-junko-ito","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/2011\/04\/18\/colloquium-0422-junko-ito\/","title":{"rendered":"Colloquium 4\/22 - Junko Ito"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Date:   Friday, April 22, 2011<br clear='none'\/>\nTime:   3:30-5:00 PM<br clear='none'\/>\nPlace:  32-141<br clear='none'\/>\nSpeaker: Junko Ito, University of California, Santa Cruz<br clear='none'\/>\nTitle:   On the sources of (un)accentedness<\/p>\n<p>ABSTRACT<\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<p>Recent work on the distribution of unaccentedness in the lexicon of<br clear='none'\/>\nTokyo Japanese has found a concentration of unaccented words in very<br clear='none'\/>\nspecific areas, which are to a large extent defined in prosodic terms.<br clear='none'\/>\nThus 4-mora words are in their majority unaccented in both native<br clear='none'\/>\nwords and loans. On the other hand, 1-2 mora words and 5-mora words<br clear='none'\/>\nare in the majority accented in both native words and loans. For<br clear='none'\/>\n3-mora words we find a split: They are in the majority unaccented in<br clear='none'\/>\nnative words, but accented in loans. What is relatively clear is that<br clear='none'\/>\nunaccentedness is some kind of default for words of these specific<br clear='none'\/>\nshapes. What is less clear is the prosodic rationale of the particular<br clear='none'\/>\ndistribution of (un)accentedness. The goal of the talk is to<br clear='none'\/>\ninvestigate the underlying structural reason, and to develop a formal<br clear='none'\/>\naccount in optimality-theoretic phonology.<\/p>\n<p>The regular pitch accent pattern of Tokyo Japanese (i.e., the pattern<br clear='none'\/>\nthat is not lexically marked on a morpheme-by-morpheme basis, but<br clear='none'\/>\nemerges, e.g., in loanwords) is characterized by two constraints<br clear='none'\/>\nwidely seen at work in other languages: Rightmostness (if the word has<br clear='none'\/>\nan accent, it should fall on the last foot in the word) and<br clear='none'\/>\nNonfinality (the accent should not fall on a subconstituent that is<br clear='none'\/>\nfinal in the word). There is a clear tension between these two<br clear='none'\/>\nconstraints, which is in many languages resolved by priority ranking<br clear='none'\/>\n(Nonfinality beats Rightmostness in cases of conflict). Seen in this<br clear='none'\/>\nlight, unaccentedness is another way of dealing with the conflict: By<br clear='none'\/>\nnot assigning an accent, the conflict disappears.<\/p>\n<p>More precisely, the guiding idea is the following:  For words of<br clear='none'\/>\nspecific prosodic profiles (such as LLLL), unaccentedness is a default<br clear='none'\/>\nbecause it fulfills both Nonfinality and Rightmostness (no accent<br clear='none'\/>\nmeans no violation of either constraint). For other shapes, such as<br clear='none'\/>\nLLL and LLLLL, both constraints can be fulfilled even by accented<br clear='none'\/>\nwords, so unaccentedness brings no prosodic benefit and is avoided<br clear='none'\/>\nsince it violates the ?-Accent constraint requiring words to be<br clear='none'\/>\naccented. For short (one- to two-mora) words, a constraint calling for<br clear='none'\/>\nthe construction of the &#8220;perfect prosodic word&#8221; (a word coextensive<br clear='none'\/>\nwith a single foot) plays an important role. Other cases of perfect<br clear='none'\/>\nword effects to be presented include Serbian and Danish.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Date: Friday, April 22, 2011 Time: 3:30-5:00 PM Place: 32-141 Speaker: Junko Ito, University of California, Santa Cruz Title: On the sources of (un)accentedness ABSTRACT Recent work on the distribution of unaccentedness in the lexicon of Tokyo Japanese has found a concentration of unaccented words in very specific areas, which are to a large extent [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":7,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2603","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-talks"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2603","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/7"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2603"}],"version-history":[{"count":5,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2603\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2614,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2603\/revisions\/2614"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2603"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2603"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2603"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}