{"id":5520,"date":"2013-10-28T05:00:29","date_gmt":"2013-10-28T09:00:29","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/whamit.mit.edu\/?p=5520"},"modified":"2013-10-29T12:22:00","modified_gmt":"2013-10-29T16:22:00","slug":"lfrg-111-aron-hirsch","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/2013\/10\/28\/lfrg-111-aron-hirsch\/","title":{"rendered":"LFRG 11\/1 - Wataru Uegaki"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Speaker: Wataru Uegaki<br clear='none'\/>\nDate\/Time: Friday 1 November, 1 pm<br clear='none'\/>\nLocation: 32-D831<br clear='none'\/>\nTitle: Exhaustive inferences and intonation-discourse congruence<\/p>\n<p>Abstract:<\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<p>[This is a revision of the talk I presented last semester at LFRG.]<\/p>\n<p>It has been observed that an exhaustive inference (hereafter ExhInf) of question-answers arises only when the polarity of the answer matches that of the question (Schulz and van Rooij 2006; Spector 2007). E.g., although the answer &#8220;I will invite Sue&#8221; to the question &#8220;Who will you invite?&#8221; gives rise to the inference that Sue is the only person that the speaker will invite, the answer &#8220;I won\u0092t invite Sue&#8221; to the same question does not readily give rise to the inference that Sue is the only person that the speaker will not invite (pace von Stechow and Zimmermann 1984).<\/p>\n<p>Previous approaches to this phenomenon stipulate mechanisms that are specific to polarity (or monotonicity)-mismatching question-answer pairs (Schulz and van Rooij 2006; Spector 2007) and largely ignored the role of intonation. In this presentation, I provide an account of the phenomenon in terms of a general constraint on the alternatives to be used in the derivation of ExhInfs, taking into account the discourse structure modelled as a tree of Question under Discussions (Roberts 1996, B\u00fcring 2003). Specifically, the constraint states that the alternatives are restricted to be members of the Hamblin-denotation of the immediate QUD of the utterance (the mother of the utterance in terms of the discourse tree representation).<\/p>\n<p>Taking a closer look at the data, we see that there is a restriction on the felicitous intonations in a polarity-mismatching answer. The only available intonation involves a contrastive topic intonation on the item corresponding to the wh and a focus intonation on the item indicating polarity. I argue that this reflects the general intonation-discourse interface conditions (in particular, Question-answer congruence and CT congruence by Rooth 1992, B\u00fcring 2003), and the uniquely available intonation reflects a discourse structure in which the wh-question is divided into multiple polar questions. Given the general constraint on alternatives stated above, such a discourse structure is predicted not to give rise to an exhaustive inference.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Speaker: Wataru Uegaki Date\/Time: Friday 1 November, 1 pm Location: 32-D831 Title: Exhaustive inferences and intonation-discourse congruence Abstract: [This is a revision of the talk I presented last semester at LFRG.] It has been observed that an exhaustive inference (hereafter ExhInf) of question-answers arises only when the polarity of the answer matches that of the [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":7,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-5520","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-talks"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5520","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/7"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5520"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5520\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":5537,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5520\/revisions\/5537"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5520"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5520"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5520"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}