{"id":587,"date":"2009-03-16T05:00:40","date_gmt":"2009-03-16T10:00:40","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/whamit.mit.edu\/?p=587"},"modified":"2009-03-15T17:06:06","modified_gmt":"2009-03-15T22:06:06","slug":"mit-linguistics-colloquium-mar-20-anna-szabolcsi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/2009\/03\/16\/mit-linguistics-colloquium-mar-20-anna-szabolcsi\/","title":{"rendered":"MIT Linguistics Colloquium - Mar 20 - Anna Szabolcsi"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Speaker: <a href=\"http:\/\/homepages.nyu.edu\/~as109\/\">Anna Szabolcsi<\/a> (NYU)<BR><br clear='none'\/>\nTitle: Raising Verbs as Quantifiers<BR><br clear='none'\/>\nTime: Friday, Mar 20, 3:30-5:00pm<BR><br clear='none'\/>\nPlace: <a href=\"http:\/\/whereis.mit.edu\/map-jpg?mapterms=32-141\">32-141<\/a><\/p>\n<p>>Quantification over times and worlds in natural language is traditionally considered to be<br clear='none'\/>\nsyntactically implicit. More recently tenses and modals have been treated as syntactically explicit<br clear='none'\/>\nquantifiers. I propose that new kind of evidence for the explicitly quantificational character of<br clear='none'\/>\nraising verbs of the &#8220;begin&#8221; and &#8220;threaten&#8221; type can be obtained from their scope interaction with<br clear='none'\/>\nthe subject. <\/p>\n<p>>Consider the following two scenarios: <\/p>\n<p>>\u0093HI scenario\u0094<BR><br clear='none'\/>\nWho is getting good roles before April? Mary: no; Susan: no; Eva: yes<BR><br clear='none'\/>\nafter April?  Mary: yes; Susan: no; Eva: yes<\/p>\n<p>>\u0093LO scenario\u0094<BR><br clear='none'\/>\nWho is getting  good roles before April? Mary: yes\/no; Susan: no; Eva: yes<BR><br clear='none'\/>\nafter April? Mary: yes; Susan: no; Eva: no <\/p>\n<p>>The following English sentence may describe either situation (the ambiguity is enhanced by the<br clear='none'\/>\npresence of the temporal adjunct). Notice that HI and the LO readings are logically independent. <\/p>\n<p>>In April only Mary began to get good roles.<BR><br clear='none'\/>\nHI: &#8216;only Mary went from not getting good roles to getting them&#8217;<BR><br clear='none'\/>\nLO: &#8216;it began to be the case that only Mary is getting good roles&#8217; <\/p>\n<p>>Other languages, Hungarian and Shupamem among them, have verb-initial orders that<br clear='none'\/>\nunambiguously carry the LO reading. They do that in two different ways. In Hungarian, &#8220;only<br clear='none'\/>\nMary&#8221; is a nominative subject inside the infinitival complement (see Szabolcsi 2009). This talk<br clear='none'\/>\nwill focus on the Shupamem type, where the fronting of &#8220;begin&#8221; appears to assign &#8220;begin&#8221; wide<br clear='none'\/>\nscope over the operator subject that has properly raised to the tensed clause. I will argue that<br clear='none'\/>\n&#8220;begin&#8221; does not only have quantificational content but explicitly quantifies over a time<br clear='none'\/>\nargument. Possibly the argument carries over to &#8220;threaten&#8221; type verbs binding a world argument. <\/p>\n<p>Kusumoto 2005, On the quantification over times in natural language. Natural language<br clear='none'\/>\nSemantics 13: 317-357.<BR><br clear='none'\/>\nLechner 2007, Interpretive effects of head movement. <A HREF=\"http:\/\/ling.auf.net\/lingBuzz\/000178\">http:\/\/ling.auf.net\/lingBuzz\/000178<\/A><BR><br clear='none'\/>\nSchlenker 2006, Ontological symmetry in language: A brief manifesto. Mind and Language 21:<br clear='none'\/>\n504-539<BR><br clear='none'\/>\nSzabolcsi 2009, Overt nominative subjects in infinitival complements in Hungarian. To appear in<br clear='none'\/>\nden Dikken & Vago, eds. <A HREF=\"http:\/\/semanticsarchive.net\/Archive\/jBkM2QxZ\/\">http:\/\/semanticsarchive.net\/Archive\/jBkM2QxZ\/<\/A>  <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Speaker: Anna Szabolcsi (NYU) Title: Raising Verbs as Quantifiers Time: Friday, Mar 20, 3:30-5:00pm Place: 32-141 >Quantification over times and worlds in natural language is traditionally considered to be syntactically implicit. More recently tenses and modals have been treated as syntactically explicit quantifiers. I propose that new kind of evidence for the explicitly quantificational character [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-587","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-talks"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/587","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=587"}],"version-history":[{"count":5,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/587\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":590,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/587\/revisions\/590"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=587"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=587"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=587"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}