{"id":9542,"date":"2017-03-13T06:05:10","date_gmt":"2017-03-13T10:05:10","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/whamit.mit.edu\/?p=9542"},"modified":"2017-03-12T20:37:44","modified_gmt":"2017-03-13T00:37:44","slug":"syntax-square-314-colin-davis","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/2017\/03\/13\/syntax-square-314-colin-davis\/","title":{"rendered":"Syntax Square 3\/14 - Colin Davis"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><strong>Speaker:<\/strong> <a href=\"https:\/\/sites.google.com\/site\/colinpbdavis\/\/\">Colin Davis<\/a> (MIT)<br clear='none'\/>\n<strong>Title:<\/strong> English Possessor Extraction and Linearization<br clear='none'\/>\n<strong>Date and time:<\/strong> Tuesday March 14, 1-2pm<br clear='none'\/>\n<strong>Location<\/strong>: 32-D461<br clear='none'\/>\n<strong>Abstract<\/strong>:<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>Continuing from my previous Syntax Square, I analyze English possessor extraction, which is interestingly restricted. One such restriction that becomes apparent in long-distance possessor extraction is that non-subject DPs must be pied-piped to the edge of their clause for PE out of them to be licit:<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li>*Who do they think [John likes [t&#8217;s cake]]? (No PE from object in-situ)<\/li>\n<li>Who do they think[[t&#8217;s cake] John likes t]? (PE from pied-piped object)<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>I argue that this and other restrictions result from an adjacency condition between possessor and the Saxon genitive (cf. Gavruseva &amp; Thornton 2001) which interacts with phase-by-phase linearization of syntactic structure (Fox &amp; Pesetsky 2005, Ko 2005, 2014). Along the way, this analysis provides further evidence for Ko&#8217;s claim that specifiers of a head cannot be rearranged, finds an explanation for a general lack of spec-vP stranding in English, and additionally, an independent argument from linearization that expletive there originates in vP.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Speaker: Colin Davis (MIT) Title: English Possessor Extraction and Linearization Date and time: Tuesday March 14, 1-2pm Location: 32-D461 Abstract: Continuing from my previous Syntax Square, I analyze English possessor extraction, which is interestingly restricted. One such restriction that becomes apparent in long-distance possessor extraction is that non-subject DPs must be pied-piped to the edge [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":17,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-9542","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-talks"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9542","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/17"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=9542"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9542\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9572,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9542\/revisions\/9572"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=9542"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=9542"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=9542"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}