{"id":96,"date":"2008-04-21T05:00:43","date_gmt":"2008-04-21T10:00:43","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/whamit.mit.edu\/2008\/04\/21\/linglunch-dong-whee-yang\/"},"modified":"2008-04-20T09:59:57","modified_gmt":"2008-04-20T14:59:57","slug":"linglunch-dong-whee-yang","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/2008\/04\/21\/linglunch-dong-whee-yang\/","title":{"rendered":"LingLunch: Dong-Whee Yang"},"content":{"rendered":"

Come join us for this week’s Ling-lunch talk, to be presented by:

\n

\nDong-Whee Yang

\nSeoul National University

\n“Phase-internal Scrambling and Edge Feature Movement.”

\n

\nWHEN: April 24, 12:30-1:45

\nWHERE: 32-D461
<\/p>\n

In this paper the notion of EF (edge feature) movement (Chomsky 2005) is
\ncharacterized as pure internal merge, which is optional, hence induces
\nD(=discourse) effects according to (1), leading to the chain condition of
\nEF-movement (2):<\/P><\/p>\n

    \n
  1. Optional operations can apply only if they have an effect on outcome
    \n(Chomsky 2001).<\/li>\n
  2. Each chain of EF-movement contains one D-effect (Yang 2008).<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

    Given this characterization of EF-movement, it is shown that not only phasal
    \nscramblings but also phase-internal ones are EF-movements, offering a unified
    \naccount of long-distance and very short clause-internal scramblings.
    \nFurthermore, given that Agree and EF-movement are separable for an
    \nAgree-movement, i.e., need not occur together, it is shown why an optional
    \nAgree-movement may function as an EF-movement inducing D-effects, along with
    \nAgree in situ, like OS and Subject Raising in languages like Icelandic, Korean,
    \netc. Thus, it is captured that all and only optional movements induce D-effects.
    \nThis paper also offers an explanation for why EF-movements are not subject to
    \nthe minimality-type constraints though subject to island-type constraints. Note
    \nthat EF-movements are only subject to the architectural conditions of the
    \nminimalist theory, and I claim that island-type constraints are essentially
    \nthose against violating the architectural conditions of the grammar like the
    \nPIC unlike the minimality-type constraints. This paper also shows how the
    \nEF-movement theory of (2) offers optimal accounts for problems like successive
    \ncyclic A?-movements (Bo\u009akovi? 2007, Preminger 2007, Heck and M\u00fcller. 2000)
    \nand the criterial freezing (Rizzi, 2004). This paper also suggests constraints on
    \nmovements based on the chain condition of EF-movement (2), accounting for why
    \nidiom chunks may not optimally undergo EF-movement though corresponding
    \nnon-idiom chunks may. Lastly, this paper claims that reconstruction and covert
    \nmovement are the two sides of the same coin in the minimalist theory, offering
    \na new analysis of the two phenomena, given the characterization of EF-movement
    \nin this paper.


    \nReferences

    <\/p>\n

    Bo\u009akovi?, \u008eeljko. 2007. On the locality and motivation of move and agree: an
    \neven more minimal theory. Linguistic Inquiry 38:589-644.
    <\/p>\n

    Chomsky, Noam. 2001. Derivation by phase. In Ken Hale: A Life in Language, ed.
    \nby M. Kenstowicz. 1-52. The MIT Press.
    <\/p>\n

    Chomsky, Noam. 2005. On phases. Ms., MIT.
    <\/p>\n

    Heck, Fabian and Gereon M\u00fcller. 2000. Successive cyclicity, long-distance
    \nsuperiority, and local optimization. WCCFL 19:218-231.
    <\/p>\n

    Preminger, Omer. 2007. Toxic syntax: yet another theory of syntactic movement.
    \nMs., MIT.
    <\/p>\n

    Rizz, Luigi. 2004. On the form of chains: criterial positions and ECP effects.
    \nMs.
    <\/p>\n

    Yang, Dong-Whee. 2008. On edge feature movement. Ms., MIT. (downloadable)
    \n<\/p><\/blockquote>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

    Come join us for this week’s Ling-lunch talk, to be presented by: Dong-Whee Yang Seoul National University “Phase-internal Scrambling and Edge Feature Movement.” WHEN: April 24, 12:30-1:45 WHERE: 32-D461 In this paper the notion of EF (edge feature) movement (Chomsky 2005) is characterized as pure internal merge, which is optional, hence induces D(=discourse) effects according […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-96","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-talks"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/96","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=96"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/96\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=96"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=96"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ling-phil.mit.edu\/whamit\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=96"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}