Speaker: Yasutada Sudo (UCL)
Title: Specific indefinites and dynamic presuppositions
Time: Friday, April 18th, 3:30pm - 5pm
Location: 32-141
Abstract: This is an attempt to explain the exceptional scope behavior of specific indefinites in terms of ‘dynamic presuppositions’presuppositions with anaphoric content in addition to propositional content. It is also claimed that puzzling interpretive properties of ‘certain’ indefinites are straightforwardly explained as dynamic presuppositions with functional anaphora.
Issue of Monday, April 14th, 2025
Colloquium 4/18 - Yasutada Sudo (UCL)
Minicourses 4/16-17 - Yasutada Sudo (UCL)
Speaker: Yasutada Sudo (UCL)
Title: Relative Atomicity
Lecture 1: Absolute Atomicity and distributivity
Lecture 2: Mass-count, distributivity, and classifiers in Relative Atomicity
Times:
Lecture 1: April 16, 2025: 12:30-2pm
Lecture 2: April 17, 2025: 12:30-2pm
Location: 32-D461
Abstract: The standard model-theoretic approach to nominal number assumes that a model comes with an individuated domain of atomic entities and plural entities are constructed out of them as mereological sums (‘Absolute Atomicity’). I argue that Absolute Atomicity requires some unnatural assumptions when sub-atomic quantification is taken into consideration. I advocate an alternative approach, ‘Relative Atomicity’, where atomicity is only introduced in the course of semantic composition.
Speaker: Yasutada Sudo (UCL)
Title: Relative Atomicity
Lecture 1: Absolute Atomicity and distributivity
Lecture 2: Mass-count, distributivity, and classifiers in Relative Atomicity
Times:
Lecture 1: April 16, 2025: 12:30-2pm
Lecture 2: April 17, 2025: 12:30-2pm
Location: 32-D461
Abstract: The standard model-theoretic approach to nominal number assumes that a model comes with an individuated domain of atomic entities and plural entities are constructed out of them as mereological sums (‘Absolute Atomicity’). I argue that Absolute Atomicity requires some unnatural assumptions when sub-atomic quantification is taken into consideration. I advocate an alternative approach, ‘Relative Atomicity’, where atomicity is only introduced in the course of semantic composition.
MorPhun 4/17 - Adam Przepiórkowski (Warsaw / MIT)
Speaker: Adam Przepiórkowski (Warsaw / MIT)
Title: Cases are partially ordered: Evidence from Estonian
Time: Thursday, April 17th, 5pm - 6pm
Location: 32-D769
Abstract: Caha 2009 et seq. argues that cases are universally totally ordered: NOM < ACC < GEN < PAR < obliques, with obliques also totally ordered. Arguments for this include case syncretisms and morphological containments in various languages, including Estonian. The aim of this talk is to present arguments from Estonian for a partial ordering, where in particular GEN(initive) and PAR(titive) are unordered: NOM < ACC < {GEN, PAR} < obliques. Some of the arguments are morphological (syncretism, containment), but I also adduce a syntactic argument, from covert case stacking in so-called pseudopartitives (‘piece of bread’, etc.). This provides support for the views that case hierarchies are only partially ordered (e.g., Bárány 2021, Graf 2019, Zompì 2019), as well as for the view in Zompì 2023 that *ABA is not violated as long as there exists at least one path between the two A items that does not violate *ABA.
Speaker: Adam Przepiórkowski (Warsaw / MIT)
Title: Cases are partially ordered: Evidence from Estonian
Time: Thursday, April 17th, 5pm - 6pm
Location: 32-D769
Abstract: Caha 2009 et seq. argues that cases are universally totally ordered: NOM < ACC < GEN < PAR < obliques, with obliques also totally ordered. Arguments for this include case syncretisms and morphological containments in various languages, including Estonian. The aim of this talk is to present arguments from Estonian for a partial ordering, where in particular GEN(initive) and PAR(titive) are unordered: NOM < ACC < {GEN, PAR} < obliques. Some of the arguments are morphological (syncretism, containment), but I also adduce a syntactic argument, from covert case stacking in so-called pseudopartitives (‘piece of bread’, etc.). This provides support for the views that case hierarchies are only partially ordered (e.g., Bárány 2021, Graf 2019, Zompì 2019), as well as for the view in Zompì 2023 that *ABA is not violated as long as there exists at least one path between the two A items that does not violate *ABA.
Syntax Square 4/15 - Oddur Snorrason (QMUL) and Zhouyi Sun (MIT)
Speaker:Oddur Snorrason (QMUL) and Zhouyi Sun (MIT)
Title: How are Icelandic degree questions moving many phrases
Time: Tuesday, April 15th, 1pm - 2pm
Location: 32-D461
Abstract: Icelandic, despite being a language which does not permit Left Branch Extraction in general, allows an exceptional way of forming degree questions in addition to the standard pied-piping structure, as shown in (1):
(1) a. Hvað ertu __ gamall?
what are.you old
How old are you?
b. Hvað skrifaðir þú __ langa bo?k?
what wrote you long book
How long a book did you write?
More interestingly, evidence from parasitic gaps and reflexive licensing suggests that the apparently in-situ containing phrase is undergoing movement as well.
In this talk, we sketch a derivation in which both the degree operator and its containing phrase move simultaneously, drawing a comparison with Fox and Nissenbaums (2018) proposal for English pied-piping. We suggest that the difference between the English and Icelandic patterns can be reduced to distinct PF conditions. Finally, we show why alternative approaches, such as direct subextraction, remnant movement (with the left branch as a remnant), and covert pied-piping with distributed deletion, fail to account for the Icelandic data.
Speaker:Oddur Snorrason (QMUL) and Zhouyi Sun (MIT)
Title: How are Icelandic degree questions moving many phrases
Time: Tuesday, April 15th, 1pm - 2pm
Location: 32-D461
Abstract: Icelandic, despite being a language which does not permit Left Branch Extraction in general, allows an exceptional way of forming degree questions in addition to the standard pied-piping structure, as shown in (1):
(1) a. Hvað ertu __ gamall?
what are.you old
How old are you?
b. Hvað skrifaðir þú __ langa bo?k?
what wrote you long book
How long a book did you write?
More interestingly, evidence from parasitic gaps and reflexive licensing suggests that the apparently in-situ containing phrase is undergoing movement as well.
In this talk, we sketch a derivation in which both the degree operator and its containing phrase move simultaneously, drawing a comparison with Fox and Nissenbaums (2018) proposal for English pied-piping. We suggest that the difference between the English and Icelandic patterns can be reduced to distinct PF conditions. Finally, we show why alternative approaches, such as direct subextraction, remnant movement (with the left branch as a remnant), and covert pied-piping with distributed deletion, fail to account for the Icelandic data.
Phonology Circle 4/14 - Michael Kenstowicz (MIT) & Sixing Cui (Central China Normal University, Wuhan)
Speaker: Michael Kenstowicz (MIT) & Sixing Cui (Central China Normal University, Wuhan)
Title: The replacement of Beijing Mandarin neutral tones in AABB reduplications: part 2
Time: Monday, April 14th, 5pm - 6:30pm
Location: 32-D831
Abstract: Earlier research (Cui 2012, 2021) suggests that when Mandarin disyllabic adjectives of the form AB such as [da?fang] ?? generous are reduplicated to AABB [da?da?-fa?ngfa?ng] ????, the B syllable is placed in a stressed position. Mandarin neutral tones (T0) are banned from stressed syllables (as well as the initial syllable of a word or phrase). What tone is assigned to a T0 syllable when a disyllabic AB base with a final neutral tone is reduplicated to AABB? We present the results of a study that poses this question for six Beijing Mandarin native speakers. Our results indicate that the tone that is associated with the T0 character/morpheme helps the speaker choose among the four possible substitutes for the T0: specifically when the original tone of the B morpheme is T3 or T4 the speaker is significantly more like to substitute T3 or T4 while original T2 is more likely to change to T1. We see this as a conflict between faithfulness to the original (remote) base and a markedness preference for a H tone in a stressed syllable. We then investigate whether there are traces of the original tone in the acoustic properties of the neutral tone of the AB base form. Finally, we consider possible phonetic correlates of the underlying metrical structure of the AB and AABB words.
Speaker: Michael Kenstowicz (MIT) & Sixing Cui (Central China Normal University, Wuhan)
Title: The replacement of Beijing Mandarin neutral tones in AABB reduplications: part 2
Time: Monday, April 14th, 5pm - 6:30pm
Location: 32-D831
Abstract: Earlier research (Cui 2012, 2021) suggests that when Mandarin disyllabic adjectives of the form AB such as [da?fang] ?? generous are reduplicated to AABB [da?da?-fa?ngfa?ng] ????, the B syllable is placed in a stressed position. Mandarin neutral tones (T0) are banned from stressed syllables (as well as the initial syllable of a word or phrase). What tone is assigned to a T0 syllable when a disyllabic AB base with a final neutral tone is reduplicated to AABB? We present the results of a study that poses this question for six Beijing Mandarin native speakers. Our results indicate that the tone that is associated with the T0 character/morpheme helps the speaker choose among the four possible substitutes for the T0: specifically when the original tone of the B morpheme is T3 or T4 the speaker is significantly more like to substitute T3 or T4 while original T2 is more likely to change to T1. We see this as a conflict between faithfulness to the original (remote) base and a markedness preference for a H tone in a stressed syllable. We then investigate whether there are traces of the original tone in the acoustic properties of the neutral tone of the AB base form. Finally, we consider possible phonetic correlates of the underlying metrical structure of the AB and AABB words.
Jay Keyser named 2025 Wilbur Cross medalist!
Congratulations to our colleague, Professor Emeritus S. Jay Keyser, who will be receiving the Wilbur Cross Medal for Alumni Achievement from his PhD alma mater, Yale University, this Fall! Yale describes the award this way:
“The Wilbur Cross Medal, named in honor of former Graduate School Dean and Governor of Connecticut Wilbur Lucius Cross, was established in 1966 to honor alumni of Yale Graduate School for outstanding achievements like those of Dean Cross during his multifaceted career. It is the highest honor that the Graduate School bestows on its alumni. Recipients of the medal return to campus to receive the award and spend time with their departments.
“Medalists are nominated by their peers in recognition of their achievements as leaders in their respective fields, true innovators, and world-changing thinkers. They are among the best examples of what can be accomplished with a doctoral degree after leaving Yale.”
more about the award: https://gsas.yale.edu/…/wilbur-cross-medal-alumni…
Congratulations to our colleague, Professor Emeritus S. Jay Keyser, who will be receiving the Wilbur Cross Medal for Alumni Achievement from his PhD alma mater, Yale University, this Fall! Yale describes the award this way:
“The Wilbur Cross Medal, named in honor of former Graduate School Dean and Governor of Connecticut Wilbur Lucius Cross, was established in 1966 to honor alumni of Yale Graduate School for outstanding achievements like those of Dean Cross during his multifaceted career. It is the highest honor that the Graduate School bestows on its alumni. Recipients of the medal return to campus to receive the award and spend time with their departments.
“Medalists are nominated by their peers in recognition of their achievements as leaders in their respective fields, true innovators, and world-changing thinkers. They are among the best examples of what can be accomplished with a doctoral degree after leaving Yale.”
more about the award: https://gsas.yale.edu/…/wilbur-cross-medal-alumni…