Speaker: Maria Gouskova (NYU)
Title: Exceptionality as a Property of Morphemes: the Case of Yers
Time: Friday, October 30, 2009, 3:30pm
Place: 32-141
Most languages have some phonological rules that apply only to a
subset of eligible morphemes (for example, in English, regressive
voicing assimilation, “thie[f]”/”thie[vz]” vs. the default progressive
assimilation, “chie[f]”/”chie[fs]”). The question examined in this
talk is whether there are rules that apply only to a subset of
eligible segments. I will explore the hypothesis that exceptionality
is a property of whole morphemes. This theory of exceptionality has
many incarnations (Chomsky and Halle 1968 et seq.), but my version is
formalized as Lexically Indexed Constraints in Optimality Theory
(Prince and Smolensky 1993): in any given language, a universal
constraint can be indexed to individual morphemes in the lexicon and
ranked in two different positions in the language’s hierarchy (Pater
2000, 2006).I test this theory on a famous purported case of segment-by-segment
exceptions: Slavic yers, vowels that idiosyncratically alternate with
zero (e.g., [mox] vs. [mx-a] `moss (nom/gen sg)’ alongside [mex] vs.
[mex-a] `fur (nom/gen sg)’). The dominant analysis of these “ghost
vowels” is that they must be underlyingly marked as exceptional on a
segment-by-segment basis. Yers are also usually underlyingly marked as
representationally defective—either nonmoraic or lacking features
(Kenstowicz and Rubach 1987, Melvold 1990, Yearley 1995, inter alia).
In this talk, I revisit yers from a different perspective. Instead of
treating the individual vowels as special, I argue that entire
morphemes are indexed to special phonologies. I show that there are
generalizations as to the quality and the position of alternating
vowels in Russian. These generalizations are phonologically sensible,
but they are lost in accounts where vowels are labeled as deletable on
a segment-by-segment basis. Finally, I survey yers in other Slavic
languages and test the OT hypothesis that a phonological rule can only
be exceptional in one language if it is general in another.
Suggested readings:
- Pater, Joe (2006) Locus of Exceptionality: Morpheme-specific phonology as constraint indexation.
- Yearley, Jennifer (1995) Jer vowels in Russian.