Time: Thursday, 12:30pm – 2pm
Location: 32-D461
Talk #1:
Speaker: Zhouyi Sun (MIT), Vlad Orlov (MIT), Oddur Snorrason (Queen Mary University of London)
Title: DD support at LF: On the last-resort nature of Distributed Deletion
Abstract: In this talk, we show that the interpretation of a discontinuously realized nominal (apparent left branch extraction; LBE) depends on the presence and attachment height of a parasitic-gap-containing (PG) adjunct licensed by it.
Building on Bondarenko and Davis (2023) who show than Russian LBE licenses parasitic gaps, we observe that in the absence of a relevant PG-licensing requirement, LBE obligatorily yields a split-scope interpretation with respect to an intervening scope-taking element (1a). Overt pied-piping of the corresponding nominal, by contrast, permits both high and low interpretations of the nominal restrictor (1b). Strikingly, this asymmetry disappears when a PG-containing adjunct attaches above the intervening operator: in this configuration, LBE and overt pied-piping have the same scope possibilities.
(1)
a. [Skol?ko statej]1 Petja potreboval, ?toby ty otpravil t1
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b. Skol?ko3 Petja potreboval, ?toby ty otpravil [t3 statej]1
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We argue that this interaction is problematic for adopting any single uniform analysis of LBE, whether in terms of direct subextraction, or distributed deletion. We propose instead that LBE has two competing derivations. Direct subextraction is preferred whenever possible, and blocks distributed deletion. Distributed deletion is available only as a last resort when required by an independent LF condition, such as PG licensing. We also show that this last-resort strategy is constrained by Economy Conditions, in that it moves only when necessary and only to the height necessary to satisfy the relevant LF requirement.
We further show that the same interaction is found in Icelandic and other languages and discuss additional LF conditions that force the distributed-deletion derivation. More generally, we propose that the last-resort nature of distributed deletion can be motivated by LF-requirements in addition to the previously established PF-constraints (e.g. Franks 1998, Bos?kovic? 2001).
Talk #2:
Speaker: Zhouyi Sun (MIT)
Title: Tigrinya gradable verbs: When verbalizers comparativize
Abstract: In Distributed Morphology, words are built syntactically from acategorial roots and categorizing functional heads such as v, a, and n (Halle & Marantz 1993, et seq.). In addition to determining syntactic category, categorizers may contribute semantic content. For verbalizers, previous work has focused primarily on meanings associated with argument structure and event structure (e.g. Arad 2005, Harley 2009). The range of possible meanings verbalizers can contribute remains an open question.
This work takes comparative meaning as a case study. A potential connection between verbalization and comparative meaning has been suggested by degree achievements (e.g. worsen; Bobaljik 2012: 171172, 205207), English out-comparatives (e.g. outweigh; Ahn 2022), and Mandarin transitive comparatives (schematically, John tall Mary 5cm; Grano & Kennedy 2012). Yet in these cases, it remains unclear whether the relevant comparative operator is contributed by a verbalizer. I suggest Tigrinya (Ethio-Semitic) offers a useful case for investigating this possibility: its gradable roots exhibit a systematic, category-conditioned positive-comparative opposition. Their adjectival forms have positive interpretations, as in b?lla? smart, whereas their verbal forms have comparative interpretations, as in t?-b?ll?? she is smarter. I show that the relevant forms are morphosyntactically verbal and semantically comparative, and argue that the comparative operator is contributed by the verbalizer. The analysis thus identifies comparison as a possible semantic contribution of verbal categorization.