Speaker: Bingzi Yu (MIT)
Title: Which combinations of rule interactions are possible?
Time: Monday, November 2, 5pm-6:30pm
Location: 32-D831
Abstract:
In this talk, I will discuss a prediction inspired by Kim’s (2024) Realized-Input account of phonological opacity. Consider a language with the following three processes:
- Palatalization: t → tʃ / _i
- Raising: e → i / [-stress]
- Epenthesis: ∅ → i / C_C
In principle, both Raising and Epenthesis can create the context for Palatalization. In a rule-based framework, depending on the order of application, each rule can feed (yielding [tʃi]) or counterfeed Palatalization (yielding [ti]). This permits four combinations: both feed Palatalization, both counterfeed it, or one feeds it while the other counterfeeds it. However, are all four combinations attested? I predict that Raising and Epenthesis should interact with Palatalization in the same way, if all three rules apply within the same phonological domain: either both rules feed Palatalization or both rules counterfeed it. I will develop this prediction using the analysis in Kim (2024) and examine preliminary supporting evidence from São Paulo Brazilian Portuguese and perhaps a few other languages.